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THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. 



A DISCOURSE 



PREACHED IN THE 



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Srinday Evening, IVIay- 6, 1866. 



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BY AUGUSTUS WOODBURY. 



PROVIDENCE : 
1866. 









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THE PRESIDEJfT AND CONGRESS. 



A DISCOURSE 



PRp]ACHED IN THE 



fflfi^^lmtefe^ ^s^Egpigali^ii^l difr|, 



Sunday Evening, Miay 6, 1866. 



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BY AUGUSTUS WOODBURY 






PEOVIDENCE : 
1866. 



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" SHALL A NATION BE BORN AT ONCE ?" 

Isaiah, Lx\a, 8. 



In a discourse, which I preached from this text, on the 
occasion of the last National Thanksgiving, I took occasion to 
consider the whole subject of re-construction, viewed, not from a 
point which a partizan would occupy, but from that point 
which he would hold, who sincerely desired to know what was 
right and just. At that time, I advocated the necessity of standing 
by the President in his policy, as far as it had been developed, 
and as it promised in the future. That policy, as I then under- 
stood it — and as it then most certainly and most clearly appeared — 
had in view the enforcement of four distinct propositions, viz. : — 
1. The recognition of the authority of the United States, as a 
nation and not as a confederacy; 2. The repudiation of the 
debts incurred by the rebellious States in making war upon the 
Federal Government ; 3. The adoption of the amendment to the 
Constitution abolishing slavery as a system, and forbidding its 
existence in all time to come ; 4. The allowance to the colored 
people of the Southern States the right to sue and be sued, to 
testify in the courts, and to hold and enjoy the rights of citizen- 
ship, except in the one particular of sufirage. Tliis latter point 
was left undetermined. The President had avowed himself in 
favor of giving sufirage to the blacks, in certain cases of superior 
intelligence, or ownership of property. But the President did 
not consider that he had any right to impose such a condition 
upon any State, as he regarded the right of sufirage as one to be 



determined hv the people of the different States themselves, 
according to their own ideas of expediency and justice. By the 
appointment of Provisional Governors, who derived their authority 
solely from the Executive of the nation, and by the recosniition 
of this authority by the people of the States ; by the establishment 
of the courts, the post offices, and the customs, the first point was 
thought to be established — the first condition agreed to. By the 
personal influence of the President and of the Secretary of State, 
the third propcjsition was accepted and confirmed in all the 
Southern States tliat had acted upon it, except Mississippi ; and the 
second and fourth — the latter under the influence of the Freed- 
men's Bureau — were partially acquiesced in. The adoption of 
the anti-slavery amendment was evidently considered as the chief 
condition u])on which the restoration of the Union rested. The 
President insisted upon it, and the legislatures of the States lately 
in rebellion, with the exception of which I have spoken, ratified it, 
with more or less reluctance. In his first Message, delivered to 
the national Congress, on Monday, December 4tli, 1865, the 
President uses the following language respecting the ratification 
of the constitutional amendment : " This is the measure which will 
efface the sad memory of the past; this is the measure which will 
most certainly call population, and capital, and security to those 
parts of the Union that need tliem most. Indeed, it is not too 
much to ask of the States, which arc now resuming their places in 
the family of the Union, to give this pledge of perpetual loyalty 
and peace. Until it is done, the past, however much we may 
desire it, will not be forgotten. The adoption of the amendment 
reunites us beyond all power of disruption. It heals the wound 
that is still imperfectly closed ; it removes slavery, the element 
which has so long perplexed and divided the country ; it makes of 
us once more a uuited people, renewed and strengthened, bound 
more than ever to mutual affection and support." Then he goes 
on to say: "The amendment to the constitution being adopted, it 
would remain for the States whose powers have been so long in 
al)eyance, to resume their places in the national legislature, and 
thereby complete the work of restoration. Here it is for you, 
fellow-citizens of the Senate, and for you fellow-citizens of the 
House of Representatives, to judge, each of you for yourselves, of 
the elections, returns and qualifications of your own members." 



These were wise words. The President did his work, and 
for the most part, he did it well, and in a manner satisfactory to 
the people of the country. He had done it with deliberation. 
He had done it without the aid of Congress. It had required 
seven months of patient labor, and all parties in the country were 
willing to accord to the President the possession of wisdom, 
courage, loyalty and fidelity to tlie great principles of liberty upon 
which the nation was based. ^Ir. Johnson, at the time he delivered 
that message, was the most powerful sovereign on the earth. For 
he had the power and the confidence of the people of this mighty 
republic. He wisely left to Congress the most important work of 
the whole process of reconstruction, the final act of political 
power, which, like the keystone of j^he arch, was to bind the 
national structure together. It is true, that he could do no less, 
under the obligation of his official. oath. But it was a very proper 
acknowledgment to make of the authority of Congress, and it 
was a very important task to perform, in thus committing, with all 
the gravity and solemnity of an official communication, a trust of 
this unequalled magnitude. 

The Congress accepted the trust, and, for these last five 
months, with great deliberation, with great sincerity, and with 
great single-mindedness of purpose, its members have been at work 
to ascertain the manner and methods of the " elections, returns 
and qualifications " of those persons chosen from the rebellious 
States to sit in the national councils. It was a great work which 
they had to do — a work that demanded the most patient and 
careful consideration. Were the people of the South thoroughly 
dispossessed of the spirit of the rebellion ? Were they prepared 
to act loyally and faithfully for the promotion of the welfare of 
the Union ? Was there any reason why Congress should delay 
to admit the Southern members ? How, for what purpose, in what 
manner were those members elected ? Could they take the oath 
prescribed by Congress for admission? Were any further 
guaranties required ? These were grave questions. They were 
not to be decided in a day. The future welfare of a large portion 
of the Southern people — the future welfare of the republic itself — 
depended upon the answers which the Congress might give to 
them. The subject involved in them took the usual course. They 
were referred to a committee, composed of some of the ablest and 



6 

tiio.-i iiioii;rhiiul uiul nio.st tu^'acious nicinijcrs of both houses. 
With rc'iuarkaljlc (iili;xi.'iiee, the cdiiimiUeu have labored to oljtain 
the Ijest information within their reaeh. They have examined 
sueh papers and dueunients as the I'resident wouhl permit. They 
have examined living witnesses, among whom liave been some of 
the most prominent aetors in tlie rebellion themselves. With the 
very best feelings towards the President, I have earefully watehcd 
tiic course of alfairs, and can sincerely say, that, with the exception 
of some intemperate and imj>riident words, hastily uttered in the 
halls of Congi-ess, the conduct of thai Ijody has been eminently 
wise, eminently patriotic, and eminently forbearing. There has 
been no evidence of hatred towards the South. There has been 
no impatient and hasty legislation. There has l)een uo unneces- 
sary delay. Aflairs have been conducted in a calm and dignified 
•manner, aiid, as was to be expected — nay, as was to be demanded 
— L-are has been taken to provide that the republic should receive 
no detriment ! 

Congress had been in session but a i^ew weeks, when there 
were indications, that the relations between itself and the 
President were not amicable. The point of dispute was in regard 
to the delay which had attended the deliberations of Congress, 
respecting the admission of Southern members. This delay the 
President himself had previously advised. " We nmst not be in 
too nnich of a hurry," he had said in that memorable conversation 
with Major Stearns, which he authorized to be published. '• We 
must not be in too much of a hurry. It is better to let them, 
(the rebel States), reconstruct themselves than to force them to it; 
for if they go wrong, the power is in our own hands, and we can 
check them at any stage, to the end, and oblige them to correct 
their errors." The President, neglecting his own advice, desired 
lo have the Southern members admitted at once, without any fur- 
ther guaranty for the future than their presumed loyalty. The 
Congress thought lit to wait until the subject had been fully 
examined; that it might be ascertained beyond a doubt, that the 
presumed loyalty was real, and that some more certain guaranty 
might be given. The President is evidently a man of quick tem- 
per, impatient of restraint, of no great self control, lie is a man 
also of imperious will, ami ("Uin(H brcxjk opposition. With such 
characteristics, he would naturally use some violence of language, 



when under the influence of even a slight provocation. The first 
occasion of publishing his difference with Congress was the veto 
of the bill for the enlargement of the power of the Freedmen's 
Bureau. Not content with expressing his disapprobation of that 
special measure, he took the occasion to lecture Congress upon its 
supposed delinquency in other matters. On the 22d of February 
he went farther than this. In a public address delivered from the 
steps of the White House to a promiscuous assembly, conspicuous 
in which were men whose sympathies with the rebellion had been 
undisguised, ho thought fit to denounce, by name and in the most 
oflensive manner, certain pul)lic men, who had opposed his policy. 
In a second veto message, upon a bill to secure certain civil rights 
to the freed people of the South, and in one or two other recent 
addresses, he has shown that he has no desire to heal the differences 
existing, but seems resolved to widen if possible the breach that 
now exists. He has appealed in various ways to the people, to 
decide between himself and another branch of the government. 
As one of the people, whom he has thus addressed, I propose to 
examine the subject, and answer the appeal. 

At the outset, in making up our judgment upon this matter, 
we must divest ourselves of all partizan and personal feeling. In 
examining the public measures of public men, we must especially 
avoid being led by our prejudices, or our private opinions and pre- 
ferences ; because all these influences are very apt to warp pur 
judgment, and to induce us to erroneous conclusions. Particularly 
upon a subject like this of the restoration of national power and 
national life, it is necessary that the ground should be trodden by 
careful feet. If the American people should make a mistake now, 
its evil consequences will be observed for centuries, anj^ the 
generations to come will have cause to cast their maledictions 
upon the present age. The people must bear in' mind, how often 
they criticised the acts of Mr. Lincoln, and how clearly the event 
proved, that he was wiser than those who censured him. It is 
easy for us to be mistaken, and it must not be, as in this case, I 
think it will not be, that a decision shall be made, except after the 
most candid and temperate consideration. We should claim as 
much for ourselves in any and every case. We should be ready to 
allow as much to others. 



8 

Ajjain : Wo arc to avoitl making charges of dishonesty and 
disloyalty and personal misconduct. One great vice of our politi- 
cal system, is the readiness with which any unfavoral^le rumor 
respecting a public man gains credence and circulation among our 
people. One great objection. whi<li our ln-st men have agjiinst 
entering political life, is the apprehension, tiiat they will be made 
the object of every malicious slander, that any evil disposed per- 
son can invent and put in circulation. If any public man does not 
suit us, we are too ready to charge him with public dishonesty. I 
know how corru])ting an influence our politics exert, and that a 
mere politician, who lives wholly upon the clianging caprices of 
the jK'oplu. ami who knows no higher motive than a love for office, 
is a very desjiicabh' creature. But it is fair to j)resumc, that all 
publii- men are not dishonest — that there is such a thing as public 
integrity, and that even those who are most exposed to temptation 
will not always yield. It is also l)ut fair to consider, that public 
men are the creation of the people, and that if public dishonesty 
is to be found, it is the people themselves who arc responsible for 
it. The stream cannot rise above its fountain-iiead. The source 
of power in our country, is in the peoijle. Tiic morality of our 
pulilic men is a lair index of the average morality of the people. 
The corruption and lii'iliery tiiat too often slain our elections pro- 
ceed from the fact, that the people are corruptible. The politi- 
cian's maxim is that " every man has his price.'' It is the people 
who have taught him to speak in such a way. We may not accept 
the statement as absolutely true, without any (pialiiieation ; but I 
think that we can safely say, that no man buys another, unless 
that othei- was first ready to be boudit. The people make their 
public men. And the j)eople should be especially carel'ul, liiat 
the stock they are per]telually preparing, should be sound and 
good ! 

Approaching the subject, in the spirit which I liave indicated, 
how docs it :ipj)ear? I think that 1 have presented the case, as 
faiily as it could be stated. If stated correctly — as I also think 
it is — the first remark which 1 have to make is, that the strife 
lietwccn the President and Congress is of his own maJcing. No 
man, in tlie i)eculiar cii-cunislances of his elevation to office, had 
ever started in his career as President of the United States, with 
so large a share ol public confidence and public respect. The 



9 

people were willing to forget whatever there was in the pai^t, tliat 
was necessary and advisable to Ibrget, and were ready to bestow 
upon the new President their entire sympathy, support and respect. 
The strange and sad circumstances of his advent into office seemed 
to give him a kind of consecration. They accepted his first utter- 
ances after assuming tlie Presidential office as those of an able, 
honest, loyal man. They were gratified to hear him say, that he 
regarded treason as an odious crime, which ouglit to be punished. 
They were gratified, I sa\% to hear liim utter these words on the 
20th of April, 1865: "It is time that the American people 
should be taught to understand tliat treason is a crime — not in 
revenge, not in anger, but tliat treason is a crime and should 
be esteem.ed as such, and should be punished as such." They had 
previously applauded his professions of interest in the freed peo- 
ple of the South. They had commended his declaration, in regard 
to Tennessee, that " if there be but five thousand men in the State 
loyal to the constitution, loyal to freedom, loyal to justice, these 
true and faithful men sliould control the work of re-organization 
absolutely." They were now ready to give him a cordial support 
in the measures, which they hoped he would adopt, in this spirit, 
for the punishment of treason, the restoration of the country, and 
the amelioration of the emancipated blaclcs. Through tlie summer 
and the autunni, they regarded his course with great interest, 'and 
in the main, with thorough approval, appreciating the difficulties 
l)y which he was surrounded, and ju'cpared in every way to aid 
him in overcoming them. They did not officiously intrude their 
advice upon him, as they used to do with Mr. Lincoln. They did 
not seek to turn him into any prescribed course. They allowed 
him to manage affairs in his own way, trusting that the mantle of 
his predecessor, whose sagacity they had learned to revere, had 
fallen upon him. If there were any points of partial disagreement, 
they were willing to await the development of events, with the 
expectation, that all at last would be well. The very best of feeling 
pervaded the country, and it was fondly hoped, that the era of 
partizan strife had passed, and that a united people would, with a 
common purpose, give themselves to tlie work of strengthening the 
bonds of a united country. The members of Congress were in 
accord with the people, for, as the Representatives of the people, 
chosen after a most intelligent canvass, they could not well be 



10 

otherwise. The Presidents lir,~l rnessaj^e made an exedlcnt im- 
pression i)oth :it hoint" ami al>i'oa<l. iris statcnirnts of domestic 
and ton'iirn jH»licy wcrr clfar, yet ji^iardcd; his trust in the people 
was ajiparently siiiccn- ; Ids deference to Congress was diuniified and 
iic*<'onnn<r. He snddenly took a difVi'rent course, adoj)ted a ditVerent 
method of sjM'aking. heeanie cujitious. violent, vulgar; visited Con- 
trress will) his censure: turnecl iiway frnm the friends who had given 
him theii' siiji|)ort and eonrnli-iii c in the li<iiir of danger, and tlicir 
votes for the second ollice which they had to Itestow; accejited the 
fi'iendship and alti'acted the adnnratioii f>f those who lunl made 
him the ol»jeet of their most maliLMiant abuse; turned away also 
from the heli)less freedmen, to whom he had oncii promised guid- 
ance, as 'a *• Moses.' to jcivd them out of bondage, and is now 
di.sposed to leave tliem to ilte tender mercies of their life-long 
oppreysor.s. Now, in pronnnent Southern ciiclej. Andicw Johnson 
and .TelTerson Davis are toasted and cheered in the same breath. 
He beuan this course by vetoing a l>ill which Conizress had passed 
with the understanding tiuit, although it had some objectionable 
features, it would yet meet with his approval, and has continued 
this cour.se until the |>resent time, without any intimation, that he 
woidd be willing to resume the friendly relations which once ex- 
isteil, and to unite with Congress in adopt Jul' the best methods of 
securing the results which the American people have at heart. 1 
say. with all candor, that, according to the best cxannimtion which 
I have been able to make, the President hiinsell with(»ut pro- 
vocation t»»ok the initiative in creating this dilVerence, and as yet 
has shown no sign of a desire to compo.se it and to close up the 
breach. 

The -econd r( mark which I make is, that the President's 
(lislikf (if those ir/iom he calls ''the radiai/s,'' is ap]»arently stronger 
than his desire to prcjuiote the best interests of the country. He is 
undoubtedly a man of \cr\' striuig I'eelinu". which he does not always 
keep under proper restraint. He jiermits his feelings to carry 
away his judgment, liike all peisons of such a character, he does 
not always weigh his words, ami does not always remember, that 
in .''peaking to a crowd ol parti/.ans. his voice pas.ses lieyond them 
and over their heads, and reach(\s to the remotest c(u-ner of the 
country — nay, to the ends of the world. .V nuin who has all the 
civili/.eil human race for his audien<'e has need ttt exercise some 



11 

degree of caution. What I may say, what a private man says, is 
of no o-reat imiiortanco. But what tlie President of the United 
States says is of tlie very utmost consequence. To rule one's spirit 
is better than to capture a city or to govern an empire. Tiiat is 
an old proposition — as true as it is old. But wlien he who governs 
an empire like this of ours, has not the power of ruling his spirit, 
the worst results are threatened. The President has allowed his 
dislike of "the radicals" to color all his plans and opinions. He 
seems to have cherished this dislike from a period previous even 
to tlie meeting of Congress. In a despatch to the Provisional 
Governor of Mississippi — jMr. Sharkey — dated August 15th, 18G5, 
after advising that official that if he could extend the franchise to 
■'persons of color who can read and write, and own real estate to 
the amount of $250," he would completely disarm the adversary, 
he proceeds to say : " I hope and trust that your convention will 
do this; and, as a consequence,"' — what? an act of justice will be 
done ? No, but — " the radicals, who arc wild u])on negro franchise, 
will be completely foiled in their attempt to keep the Southern 
State from resuming their rehitions to tlie Union, by not accepting 
their Senators and Representatives.'' Otlier despatches to other 
Provisional Governors, as to Governor Holden of North Carolina, 
and Governor Perry, of South Carolina, are botli to the same 
elfect and breathe a similar spirit. It would therefore appear, that 
the recent difference which has seemed sudden to many — which, 
I confess, has seemed sudden to myself — is tlie result of a deliber- 
ate purpose to destroy the influence of those whom he calls 
"radicals." If this could not be done by foiling them, it might 
possibly be done by crushing them. But it is needful te exercise 
great care here, for former attempts that have been made in this 
direction, have not had so flattering an issue as to encourage such 
hazardous experiments in the future. 

The spirit that breathes through the despatch to (iovernor 
Sharkey, has continued to animate the President's words whenever 
he has spoken of those who were opposed to him in sentiment. It 
showed itself in his speech of the 22d of February. It has ex- 
iubited itself again in the self-laudations and the i-epeated charges 
against others of disloyalty and want of courage, in which he has 
indulged in the addresses recently made to the colored citizens of 
Washington, and to the self-styled rej)rcsentatives of the sailors 



12 

and soldiers of the recent war; and in other addresses delivered 
to more select audiences and in less public places. I will not 
weary your curs by repeating the offensive lani^uage. It has been 
spread before you in the columns of the jmblic press. I tiiink, 
that we can safely say, that a public officer, who allows his private 
aniiufjsitics to control his public actions and public speech, is not 
serving the country with an eye single to the common welfare. 
The peoi>le have a right to demand, that they who have been 
selected to conduct their aflairs, shall perform their duties in the 
spirit of a pure patriotism, not in the spirit of private enmity. 
The public servant, in his public action, should know no private 
enmity. Tiie public business transcends all personal considerations 
and the welfare of the Stales should alone occupy the stateman's 
mind. The President of a nation like our own, should hold him- 
self aloof from all such manifestations, and ought so to act, that it 
should never be known, by any official deed or word, what per- 
sonal friendships he cherished, or what private resentments he had 
to gratify. To do less than that is to lose that IkjM upon the 
confidence of tlie people, which is the great power and strength of 
of a^republican government! 

The third remark which I make is, that the President, 
in appealing to the people, and breaking with Congress, has 
evidently allowed himsehr to forget, that the members of Congress 
are the Representatives of the people, fresh from the ranks of the 
people, and appreciating the desires and opinions of the people. 
There have l)een few Congresses, that have so well and 
thoroughly represented the will of the people, as that now 
assembled in Washington. The will of the people of the Northern 
States, who successfully carried through a live years' war, for the 
suppression of the greatest rebellion in history. Ibr the preserva- 
tion of the republic, for the nuiintenance of the Union, and for the 
freedom of the slaves; who i)ai(l, in their own treasure and in the 
blood of their best and bravest, the ])rice of the national preserva- 
tion ; who have wrought and sull'ered lor the sake of duty in a 
really heroic and suijlime way — the will of this people is, that the 
authority of the republic shall be supreme in all ])arts of the land; 
that the pledge of the rci>ubli(', i:i\en to the (n:ai cii ated slaves 
shall Ix' fully redeemed; that ihe rights of man, of whatever color 
or clime, shall be affirmed and preserved inviolate ! And woe be 



13 

to tlic servant qf tlie people^ who shall disregard the people's will! 
How else could the people's will be expressed, except through the 
people's Representatives ? In the passa.gc of the "Civil Rights bill,'' 
which secures to the freed people of the South th<!; privilege of 
citizenship, in the very particulars which the President once ap- 
proved, the Representatives of the people voted with remarkable 
unanimity. In its first passa.ge, a larger than a two-thirds vote 
carried it through both houses. According to every principle of 
justice and good government, as the President himself had pro« 
claimed with some ostentation when acting in another capacity, 
the bill should have received the Executive sanction. That sanc- 
tion was withheld. The Representatives of the people at once 
passed the bill over the executive veto. The indication was un- 
mistakable. It was the people's will that the freedmen should 
have their rights as citizens of the United St^ates — as human 
beings ; should have security, and protection, and safeguard 1 le- 
neath the laws of the Republic, And we mo.y rest assured, that 
the people will see that their will is carried out in its complete- 
ness. Let the South be wise and accept the duty which now 
remains to her, of acquiescence and obedience to the lawful 
authority of the Republic. It may be said, that I am limiting the 
term "the people," to a portion only of the citizens of the Repub- 
lic. To this, I answer, that the people to whom the President 
appeals, are necessarily those who have saved the Repu1)lic. 
Certainly, he would not appeal to the rel)els. Certainly we can- 
not call them the people who are to decide this great question 
before the country. The people are the loyal citizens, North and 
South, black and white, whose welfare it is, and whose will it is, 
that the country shall he one, and that it shall be free ! 

Once more : The fourth remark which I make, is, tliat the 
President does not seem to understand the character of tlie people them- 
selves. This is evident from the singular passage in his address 
on the 22d of February, relating to the danger of assassination. 
He appeared to feel, that some plot or conspiracy existed among 
the people of the North, to put an end to his life. We, who live 
at the North, can very clearly understand that nothing is more 
absurd, nothing more ill-founded. The fear of any such movement 
must spring from a lack of comprehension of the character of the 
people. In these Northern communities we are trained to a respect 



14 

for law, for the public order, and the jmhlic wVllare. Deeds of 
violence are unfamiliar to urf. Con.spiracies for crime of such a 
nature arc unknown among us. Tlie public sentiment is altogether 
opposed to such a course. When crime is committed, it is regai'd- 
ed as an outrage upon the public conscience, as well as an otfencc 
against the public law. The crime of assassination is especially 
abhorrent to our minds. We cannot think of it, we cannot speak 
of it, except as revolting to all our moral sense. Such a gros^ 
miscomprehension of the character of our people has rarely, if 
ever, been made, in all our history. This lack of understanding is 
manifest, also, in the freiiuent allusion which the President makes 
to the obscurity of his origin, and the remarkable success of his 
political career. The American people have a singular measure of 
self-respect. They arc willing, occasionally, to boast of themselves 
and their deeds. But as a nation, they are not parvenues. There 
is behind all their boastfulness a great amount of genuine man- 
hood — a reserved power, which they can bring into action when 
the emergency requires. They ask of their public men a certain 
degree of reticence. Nothing disciuiets them more than to hear 
a public orator speak about himself and his own deeds, and his 
own advancement. To praise one's self is the surest way of los- 
ing the esteem of one's countrymen. Nor does the President 
understand the . character of the people, when he undertakes to 
prove, that he has been one of the most prominent actors and suf- 
ferers in the rebellion which has been crushed. It is almost sur- 
prising to remember after reading his statements, that he was for 
a year or two only the military Governor of Tennessee, residing 
at Nashville, surrounded by guards of thousands of Federal 
bayonets. Let me not underrate his services. But it must be 
borne in mind, that there are thousands and tens of thousands, aye. 
hundreds of thousands, in the army of the Union, and among the 
people of the country, who have done and suflered as much or 
more. Let us give lull honor to all. But we cannot allow any 
man to single himself out from the rest, and claim a superiority 
where none exists. lie who gathers up the love of the American 
people more than any other, is he who is willing to do the most 
and speak the least about himself The President also claims, 
that he has done the most important anti-slavery work. He forgets 
the labors of those who have wrought against, the words and in- 



15 

fliiGuce of himself and his associates, through many long and 
wearisome years to train the people to the great possibility of 
freedom ; the sacrifices of the martyrs who have fallen in the con- 
flict; the wisdom and courage of him who spoke the word, and 
struck the blow that shattered the fetters and bid the oppressed 
go free. The President comes at the eleventh hour and claims 
more wages than they who have borne the heat and labor of the 
day! 

Within the past week, Congress has had presented for its 
consideration the report of its committee on reconstruction. That 
report embraces an amendment to the constitution makino- four 
distinct propositions, similar to those which the President himself 
favored before Congress met. 1. That the rights, privileges and 
immunities of citizens of the United States shall not be abridged 
by any State, nor shall any person in any State be deprived of life, 
liberty, protection or property without due process of law. 2. 
That suftrage shall be based upon the number of the people, 
deducting in certain proportions such as should be disfranchised 
by any State action. 3. That until 1870, all persons who volun- 
tarily adhered to the late rebellion, shall be excluded from the 
right to vote for members of Congress, and for electors of Presi- 
dent and Vice-President of the United States. 4, That neither 
the United States nor any single State shall assume or pay any 
debt or obligation incurred for purposes of rebellion against the 
United States. These propositions are accompanied by bills to 
make those persons who have held certain military offices in the 
late confederacy ineligible for public offices, and to allow the 
Senators and Representatives of Southern States to take their seats, 
whenever their respective States shall ratify the amendment 
proposed. 

These propositions are in accord with the President's pub- 
lished declarations, made within the last two or three years, with 
the exception of that pertaining to the basis of representation 
upon which he has said nothing. Upon the other points he has 
expressed himself as in favor of repudiating the rebel debt, in 
favor of allowing all citizens their rights in the courts, and espe- 
cially in favor of not permitting the insurgents the right to work 
for the restoration of the country. To use his own language in . 
calling a convention to reorganize civil government in Tennessee : 



18 

of libiTty. may not liavc power hcvc and now to destroy tlio work 
lor which so much has Ijocii expended. Let ns so act, that our 
country will not need that severe discipline, by which England 
was taught in the Restoration of the Smarts, and France, in tlie 
return of the l>ourl)ons, that Liberty must be served with self- 
dcvotiou and iichdity even unto death, and that the triumplis of 
Justice are to be achieved only by obedience to the great laws of 
righteousness and ti-uth. Let us assure the world that the interests 
of Jiuniiin civilization are safe in our hands, and that, having for 
a century fought the l)attles of hunum nature and human rights, 
we are wise enough and brave enough to secure tlie pernuinent 
fruits of our victory. Let us have faith above all, that God in his 
infniite wisdom will yet lead us out of all our troubles, and 
establish us in the world, the home of the oppressed, the fortress 
of liberty, an empire of freemen, upon foundations and with walls 
that shall not be removed forever! The nation was not born 
in a (lav. ll lives not for a dav. It is for all time ! 



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